Israel’s Borders 1967: The Palestinian Intransigence


This article is in search of the causes of the Palestinian Conflicts and to attempt to understand why it cannot be resolved.

May 29, 2011
Israel’s 1967 Borders: What’s The Big Fuss?
By Yonatan Silverman
The place to begin an examination of Israel’s 1967 borders is the 1947 UN Partition plan.

In 1947, Great Britain relinquished to the UN the power to make decisions relating to the status of the Land of Israel. The General Assembly appointed a special committee that collected evidence and decided unanimously that Israel should be granted independence. Most of the committee members favored partitioning the land into two states, a Jewish state and an Arab state, with Jerusalem under international supervision. On November 29, 1947, the UN General Assembly accepted the partition resolution, 33 to 13.


(c) 2005-2011 Koret Communications Ltd. From Israel’s Story in Maps collection (

As the map indicates according to the UN partition plan, the territories of the West Bank of the Jordan River were given to the Arabs. While the coastal plain and the Negev were given to Israel. The UN decided that Jerusalem should be internationalized. David Ben Gurion, the Yeshuv’s leader, accepted the UN partition plan with all its shortcomings. But the Palestinians rejected it and instantly started a war against the Jewish settlement, which they lost unequivocally. The status of the West Bank did not change, however, until after Ben Gurion declared Israeli statehood in May 1948. Following this dramatic announcement, the neighboring Arab countries invaded with their armies and their objective was to drive the Jews into the sea. Among other things in the War of Independence, Jordan’s King Abdullah occupied the territories of the West Bank and these remained under Jordanian sovereignty until 1967.
By the end of the war, Jordanian forces had control over the West Bank and East Jerusalem. On April 3, 1949, Israel and Jordan signed an Armistice Agreement. The agreement basically stipulated that Jordanian forces would remain in most positions they held in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem and the Old City. There was an agreement that Jordan would honor the holy sites and allow Jews to pray at the Western Wall for example, but this was never honored.

The Palestinians who lived under Jordanian rule in the West Bank, as well as those who lived in Gaza under Egyptian rule between 1948 and 1967, had every opportunity on earth to declare independence and create their own independent state in these territories. But they never did this.

Then in 1964, three years before Israel occupied the West Bank in the Six Day war, the Arab League created the PLO as the sole representative for the Palestinian people.

The principles on which the PLO was founded stress above all: the “liberation of Palestine” through armed struggle.

One should note that the PLO was not interested in a West Bank/Gaza state within the 1967 borders but within all of the territory of Israel. This is indeed identical to the aim of Hamas today — in other words Israel’s elimination and its being taken over by Muslims.

The Six Day War in June 1967 shuffled the territorial cards completely. The large Palestinian population areas that had been under Jordanian political control since 1948 changed hands, and the IDF became the ruling party there. Key emotional and very difficult battles took place like over the Western Wall and Temple Mount, and Ammunition Hill. It’s possible that the IDF recovery of the Old City of Jerusalem from Jordanian control was the most emotional moment of the war. It meant Jews would be able to pray again at the Western Wall after a hiatus of 19 years.

IDF occupation of the West Bank territories also gave Israel carte blanche to build Jewish settlements in these territories. Judea and Samaria contain the most prized biblical lands in the Land of Israel. It was only natural for the government to begin building settlements in these territories immediately. Just as was done in the Golan Heights that were conquered from Syria in the Six Day War.

According to latest statistics 304,569 Israelis live in the 121 officially-recognised settlements in the West Bank, 192,000 Israelis live in settlements in East Jerusalem and over 20,000 live in settlements in the Golan Heights. Settlements range in character from farming communities and frontier villages to urban suburbs and neighborhoods. The three largest West Bank settlements, Modi’in Illit, Maale Adumim and Betar Illit, have achieved city status, with over 30,000 residents each.

Needless to say, the settlements Israel has built in the territories of Judea and Samaria since 1967 are located beyond the 1967 border prior to the Six Day War. Retreating behind this border now would mean abandoning and uprooting over 300,000 Israelis who make their lives and raise their families there.



Forced evacuation of over 300,000 Israelis is essentially what the Palestinians and Pres. Obama are calling for when they demand Israel withdraw to the 1967 borders. One must bear in mind that these Jews have moved in and established settlements, but they never displaced any Palestinian families. Over a million Palestinians live in the West Bank side by side with Jewish settlers. Thousands of Palestinians are gainfully employed by Jewish settlements in the West Bank. But the Palestinian leadership has already declared that no Jews will be permitted in a future Palestinian state.1

Perhaps most important of all is the security issue involved in Israel’s retreating behind the 1967 borders. When Abba Eban appeared at the United Nations following the Six Day war, Israel’s then foreign minister described the fragility of Israel’s 1949-1967 map as Israel’s “Auschwitz” lines.

“We have openly said that the map will never again be the same as on June 4, 1967. For us, this is a matter of security and of principles. The June map is for us equivalent to insecurity and danger. I do not exaggerate when I say that it has for us something of a memory of Auschwitz. This is a situation which will never be repeated in history.”
– Abba Eban, Israeli Statesman, in Der Spiegel, November 5, 1969

Israel’s pre-1967 borders — the borders Palestinians and Pres. Obama want Israel to pull back to — represent a severe security liability to Israel and reflect the deployment of Israeli and Arab forces when the 1948 armistice agreement was signed.

At one of the narrowest points in central Israel, the entire width of the state from the Mediterranean coastal town of Netanya to the armistice line is a mere nine miles.

IDF Major General (res.) Yaakov Amidror gave Eban’s “Auschwitz” metaphor regarding the pre 1967 borders operational context. In a 2005 analysis of what “defensible borders for a lasting peace” means, Amidror explained that by any military standard, the pre 1967 borders lack minimum “defensive depth” — an overarching principle of military doctrine for all armies: There is insufficient battle space for a defensive force to redeploy after being attacked; there is no room for reserves to enter or counterattack; and there is no minimal distance between the battle front and the strategic interior necessary for any army to function.

For two years the Palestinian Authority has demanded that Israel cease building homes in Jewish settlements in the territories or it will not negotiate a peace agreement. This harks back to their other extreme demand that the Palestinian state will be totally free of Jews altogether. But that is unacceptable and even racist.

The demand that Israel withdraw to the 1967 borders for the purpose of establishing a Palestinian state is problematic for a whole range of reasons, but one which is hardly mentioned is the issue of Jerusalem Israel’s undivided capital. The issues of Jerusalem and the Palestinian so-called right of return were egregiously absent from Obama’s recent speeches on the Middle East. Judaism’s most sacred holy shrines were cut off from the nation between 1948 and 1967. Obama’s call to retreat to the pre-1967 borders now unfortunately implies that we should retreat from East Jerusalem, too, and grant the Palestinian people sovereignty in the very parts of Israel’s capital that mean the most to us. For this reason and others, the demand that Israel withdraw to pre 1967 borders is preposterous and will never be considered by any self respecting Israeli government.

[1]Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas made it clear that a future state called Palestine will not be a home to Jews. “We have frankly said, and always will say: If there is an independent Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital, we won’t agree to the presence of one Israeli in it.”  [1]

There is No Occupation

by Morton A. Klein

National President, Zionist Organization of America
Arab spokesmen regularly complain about what they call “the Israeli occupation” of the Judea-Samaria-Gaza territories. But the truth is that there is no such “Israeli occupation.”

To begin with, nearly all Palestinian Arabs currently live under Yasir Arafat’s rule, not Israel’s. Following the signing of the Oslo accords, the Israelis withdrew from nearly half of the territories, including the cities where 98.5% of Palestinian Arabs reside. The notion that the Palestinian Arabs are living under “Israeli occupation” is simply false. The areas from which Israel has not withdrawn are virtually uninhabited, except for the 2% where Israelis reside.

The term “occupation” is also used to indicate that Israel has no right to any presence in Judea-Samaria-Gaza or the Old City section of Jerusalem, and that the Israeli presence in any of those areas constitutes illegal “occupation” of someone else’s land. In fact, Israel has the strongest religious, historical, and legal claim to this land, The territories of Judea-Samaria-Gaza and the Old City of Jerusalem were integral parts of the Jewish kingdoms throughout the biblical eras, and are explicitly mandated by the Hebrew Bible as part of the Land of Israel.

These lands were Jewish thousands years ago, under King David, King Solomon, and other Jewish rulers; can anybody name a Palestinian Arab king who ever ruled over “Palestine”? No–because there never were any.

All of the most important Jewish religious sites are situated in those territories. The very name “Judea” –a term which was commonly used by the international community throughout all the centuries until the Jordanian occupation in 1949– is derived from the same root as the word “Jew,” testifying to the deep Jewish connection to the land. The reason Jews are called “Jews” is because we come from Judea. This historical-religious right was the basis for the League of Nations decision, in 1922, to endorse the Jewish people’s right to all of the Holy Land, on both sides of the Jordan River.

From the standpoint of international law, it is important to note that prior to 1967, there was no other recognized sovereign power in the territories. Israel’s capture of Judea-Samaria-Gaza and the Old City of Jerusalem in 1967 did not constitute an illegal “occupation” of someone else’s land, because prior to 1967, there was no legal or recognized sovereign power there. The Jordanian occupation Judea-Samaria and Jerusalem during 1949-1967 was illegal, having been carried out in defiance of the United Nations Security Council. The only countries in the world to recognize it were Pakistan and (in part) England.

Furthermore, Israel captured the territories in self-defense. Israel took over Judea-Samaria-Gaza and the Old City of Jerusalem in self-defense, in response to aggression by Jordan and Egypt in June 1967. Had Jordan not invaded Israel –ignoring pleas by Israel to stay out of the war– Israel would not control Judea and Samaria today. As former State Department Legal Adviser and former head of the International Court of Justice in the Hague, Stephen Schwebel, has written: “Where the prior holder of territory had seized that territory unlawfully, the state which subsequently takes that territory in the lawful exercise of self-defence has, against that prior holder, better title.”

It is also significant that U.N. Security Council Resolution 242 does not require complete Israeli withdrawal from the territories. Resolution 242 requires Israel to withdraw “from territories” captured in 1967, but the authors of the resolution deliberately left out the word ‘the’ before ‘territories’ because it was their conviction –as articulated by then-British foreign secretary George Brown– “that Israel will not withdraw from all the territories.” The Soviets tried to insert ‘the’, but that effort was specifically rejected so as not to suggest that Israel is obliged to surrender all of the territories.

Finally, it should also be noted that the Oslo Accords recognize Israel’s right to remain in the territories, at least until a final settlement is reached. The Oslo accords accept Israel’s presence in the territories at least until an Israel-PA agreement on the final status of those areas. Chapter 2, Article X, Clause 4, specifically recognize that in the disputed territories, “Israel shall continue to carry the responsibility for external security, as well as the responsibility for overall security of Israelis for the purpose of safeguarding their internal security and public order” until a final accord is reached. Furthermore, the Oslo accords do not require Israel to dismantle any of the Israeli communities in Judea-Samaria-Gaza–in effect, an acknowledgment of Israel’s right to maintain those communities, at least until a final-status agreement is reached.

In short, the notion that there is an illegal Israeli “occupation” is a myth.
Source: [2]

The Root Cause of the Intransigence in Palestine

UN secretary-general to visit Israel next week
Visit announced during UN Security Council emergency meeting on the Israeli operation in Gaza.
By Barak Ravid | 21:48 18.07.14

I have my doubts if the visit of Ban Ki-Moon to the region will achieve any permanent solution unless he can address the fundamental causes of the problem. And by this I mean to understand the Constitutions or the Covenants of each of the parties concerned. I will provide extracts of the Constitution of each of the main parties concerned to understand why a compromise is not possible.

THE COVENANT OF THE HAMAS – MAIN POINTS =======================================

The Covenant of the Islamic Resistance Movement was issued on August 18, 1988. The Islamic Resistance Movement, also known as the HAMAS, is an extremist fundamentalist Islamic organization operating in the territories under Israeli control. Its Covenant is a comprehensive manifesto comprised of 36 separate articles, all of which promote the basic HAMAS goal of destroying the State of Israel through Jihad (Islamic Holy War).

The following are excerpts of the HAMAS Covenant: Goals of the HAMAS: ——————

The Islamic Resistance Movement is a distinguished Palestinian movement, whose allegiance is to Allah, and whose way of life is Islam. It strives to raise the banner of Allah over every inch of Palestine.’ (Article 6) On the Destruction of Israel: —————————–

‘Israel will exist and will continue to exist until Islam will obliterate it, just as it obliterated others before it.’

(Preamble) The Exclusive Moslem Nature of the Area: —————————————-

‘The land of Palestine is an Islamic Waqf [Holy Possession] consecrated for future Moslem generations until Judgment Day. No one can renounce it or any part, or abandon it or any part of it.’ (Article 11) ‘Palestine is an Islamic land…

Since this is the case, the Liberation of Palestine is an individual duty for every Moslem wherever he may be.’

(Article 13) The Call to Jihad: ——————

‘The day the enemies usurp part of Moslem land, Jihad becomes the individual duty of every Moslem. In the face of the Jews’ usurpation, it is compulsory that the banner of Jihad be raised.’ (Article 15) ‘Ranks will close, fighters joining other fighters, and masses everywhere in the Islamic world will come forward in response to the call of duty, loudly proclaiming: ‘Hail to Jihad!’. This cry will reach the heavens and will go on being resounded until liberation is achieved, the invaders vanquished and Allah’s victory comes about.’

(Article 33) Rejection of a Negotiated Peace Settlement: ——————————————-

‘[Peace] initiatives, and so-called peaceful solutions and international conferences are in contradiction to the principles of the Islamic Resistance Movement…

Those conferences are no more than a means to appoint the infidels as arbitrators in the lands of Islam…

There is no solution for the Palestinian problem except by Jihad. Initiatives, proposals and international conferences are but a waste of time, an exercise in futility.’ (Article 13) Condemnation of the Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty: ———————————————-

‘Egypt was, to a great extent, removed from the circle of struggle [against Zionism] through the treacherous Camp David Agreement. The Zionists are trying to draw other Arab countries into similar agreements in order to bring them outside the circle of struggle. …Leaving the circle of struggle against Zionism is high treason, and cursed be he who perpetrates such an act.’ (Article 32) Anti-Semitic Incitement: ————————

‘The Day of Judgment will not come about until Moslems fight Jews and kill them. Then, the Jews will hide behind rocks and trees, and the rocks and trees will cry out: ‘O Moslem, there is a Jew hiding behind me, come and kill him.’ (Article 7) ‘The enemies have been scheming for a long time … and have accumulated huge and influential material wealth. With their money, they took control of the world media…

With their money they stirred revolutions in various parts of the globe… They stood behind the French Revolution, the Communist Revolution and most of the revolutions we hear about… With their money they formed secret organizations – such as the Freemasons, Rotary Clubs and the Lions – which are spreading around the world, in order to destroy societies and carry out Zionist interests…

They stood behind World War I … and formed the League of Nations through which they could rule the world. They were behind World War II, through which they made huge financial gains…

There is no war going on anywhere without them having their finger in it.’ (Article 22) ‘Zionism scheming has no end, and after Palestine, they will covet expansion from the Nile to the Euphrates River. When they have finished digesting the area on which they have laid their hand, they will look forward to more expansion. Their scheme has been laid out in the ‘Protocols of the Elders of Zion’.

‘ (Article 32) ‘The HAMAS regards itself the spearhead and the vanguard of the circle of struggle against World Zionism… Islamic groups all over the Arab world should also do the same, since they are best equipped for their future role in the fight against the warmongering Jews.

‘ (Article 32) . =====================================================================[3]

Information Division, Israel Foreign Ministry – Jerusalem Mail all Queries to URL: gopher:// =====================================================================


Proceed, then my brother, forward… to the revolution.

Long live Palestine, a free Arab state.


Introduction to the Constitution

The significance of this constitution stems from its being an application of the principles of our struggle, the pedestal of the Movement. It is also an expression of the Movement’s conception of its relationships with other movements and organisations, as it is the disciplinary framework which dictates and organises the relationships among its members in a way that maintains its path and the revolution’s future.

This constitution revolves around the following principles:

1. The armed revolution we are waging has been set into orbit by the principle that it is a public revolution, and not one of a distinguished class, and that the public is capable of practising struggle efficiently and conscientiously. The public is also the true protector of the revolutionary organisation. This organisation has satisfied the intimate relationship between the revolution and the public via the hierarchical structure of the Movement in which the public constitutes its solid, wide base.

With this view of the public’s role in mind, the role of the organised base in the Movement is crystallised. The Movement is in close contact with the public, sharing their cares and worries and inspired by their aspirations. The public is, therefore, the sole source of authorities and the sole, honest guardian of the Movement. It is also the only party authorised to take decisive decisions, and to elect the leadership at all levels. This takes place through direct election at varying levels due to maintaining secrecy, and because of the state of geographical dispersion suffered by our Palestinian people.

2. The elected leadership assumes its responsibilities on the basis of the democratic centrality principle which warrants commitment of the lower ranks to the higher ranks’ decisions. The leadership is, in turn, held accountable to its conferences and councils. Higher leaderships assume a pivotal responsibility which embodies the utter unity of the organisation in different districts and institutions.

3. The Movement encourages freedom of expression and criticism within the disciplinary frameworks. This is a sacred right for all members, and no authority can deny them it. Any view or criticism within the disciplinary principles should not be taken as an indictment against a member afterwards. Free expression is the only guarantee to prevent the leaderships from committing mistakes or going astray, and it is the only effective method to convey the public opinion via the different bases to the Movement’s leaderships.

4. The Movement firmly believes in self-criticism by all members in general and by those in authority in particular. This is important in order to attain the goal of free criticism and expression, to put an end to continual erring, and to spell out readiness to benefit from public and self criticism. By so doing, the Movement’s experience will be very much developed and its path will be made much clearer.

5. In its determination on liberation and bringing about historical social changes, the Movement attempts to launch the revolutionary moral values which are on a bar with our struggle, and to create the feeling of human dignity. To this effect, the Movement tries to liberate the individual from all social ills, especially the discrimination women face, the thing that hinders their potentials and effective contributions at all disciplinary levels. This entails that the relationships among members be objective and based on the Movement’s principles and constitutions. Relationships based on personal interests have no place whatsoever. The Movement, consequently, treats all members on equal footing as far as their essential obligations are concerned, and it offers equal opportunity to all faithful and active members to occupy leading positions. And while it is keen on maintaining its path, it is keen as well to get an utmost benefit from its experiences to enrich its ideology and develop its infrastructure.

6. Through its struggle, the Movement endeavours to mobilise the public in order to gain the necessary support. This task should be handled by its members. It, therefore, spares no effort to make its members set examples for others to attract the public and consolidate their faith in and loyalty to the revolutionary organisation. As a result, the member has to lead a revolutionary and exemplary life which is based on loyalty, discipline, credibility, modesty, self-denial and altruism. At the same time, he must demonstrate the highest degree of pride, rejection of reality and conformity to the Movement’s principles.

The Essential Principles of the Constitution

1. “FATEH” is a national, revolutionary movement and its membership is top confidential.

2. The Revolution is for all the people who actively participate in it, and the Movement is its leading revolutionary organisation, and hence it is the organisational force and its sole proprietor which has the right to direct its orientation.

3. The Movement constitutes one unified body which has one leadership. The rights, obligations and responsibilities are equally distributed among its members according to the Movement’s principles and laws.

4. Collective leadership is the sole method of the Movement. This implies the following:

a. Democracy is the basis of discussion, investigation and decision-taking at all organisational levels.

b. Democratic centrality is the basis of handling responsibilities, and this involves concerted work, thinking and political participation in the Movement.

c. Criticism and self-criticism are the basis of rectification, and punishment is not an end in itself but a means for assessment and development.

d. The minority must conform to the majority’s view, and those in lower ranks have to abide by the decisions of those in higher ranks in order to achieve discipline and unified organisation which should have a unified vision, ideology and practice.

e. The Movement firmly believes in sacred membership and freedom of the individual, and rejects vengeance, as it firmly believes in the right of any citizen to participate in the Revolution and totally rejects nullifying this right unless it can be a hazard that threatens the Movement’s process and security.


Principles… Goals…. Methods

The Movement’s Essential Principles

Article (1) Palestine is part of the Arab World, and the Palestinian people are part of the Arab Nation, and their struggle is part of its struggle.

Article (2) The Palestinian people have an independent identity. They are the sole authority that decides their own destiny, and they have complete sovereignty on all their lands.

Article (3) The Palestinian Revolution plays a leading role in liberating Palestine.

Article (4) The Palestinian struggle is part and parcel of the world-wide struggle against Zionism, colonialism and international imperialism.

Article (5) Liberating Palestine is a national obligation which necessities the materialistic and human support of the Arab Nation.

Article (6) UN projects, accords and reso, or those of any individual cowhich undermine the Palestinian people’s right in their homeland are illegal and rejected.

Article (7) The Zionist Movement is racial, colonial and aggressive in ideology, goals, organisation and method.

Article (8) The Israeli existence in Palestine is a Zionist invasion with a colonial expansive base, and it is a natural ally to colonialism and international imperialism.

Article (9) Liberating Palestine and protecting its holy places is an Arab, religious and human obligation.

Article (10) Palestinian National Liberation Movement, “FATEH“, is an independent national revolutionary movement representing the revolutionary vanguard of the Palestinian people.

Article (11) The crowds which participate in the revolution and liberation are the proprietors of the Palestinian land.


Article (12) Complete liberation of Palestine, and eradication of Zionist economic, political, military and cultural existence.

Article (13) Establishing an independent democratic state with complete sovereignty on all Palestinian lands, and Jerusalem is its capital city, and protecting the citizens’ legal and equal rights without any racial or religious discrimination.

Article (14) Setting up a progressive society that warrants people’s rights and their public freedom.

Article (15) Active participation in achieving the Arab Nation’s goals in liberation and building an independent, progressive and united Arab society.

Article (16) Backing up all oppressed people in their struggle for liberation and self-determination in order to build a just, international peace.


Article (17) Armed public revolution is the inevitable method to liberating Palestine.

Article (18) Entire dependence on the Palestinian people which is the pedestal forefront and on the Arab Nation as a partner in the fight, and realising actual interaction between the Arab Nation and the Palestinian people by involving the Arab people in the fight through a united Arab front.

Article (19) Armed struggle is a strategy and not a tactic, and the Palestinian Arab People’s armed revolution is a decisive factor in the liberation fight and in uprooting the Zionist existence, and this struggle will not cease unless the Zionist state is demolished and Palestine is completely liberated.

Article (20) Achieving mutual understanding with all the national forces participating in the armed struggle to attain the national unity.

Article (21) Revealing the revolutionary nature of the Palestinian identity at the international level, and this does not contradict the everlasting unity between the Arab Nation and the Palestinian people.

Article (22) Opposing any political solution offered as an alternative to demolishing the Zionist occupation in Palestine, as well as any project intended to liquidate the Palestinian case or impose any international mandate on its people.

Article (23) Maintaining relations with Arab countries with the objective of developing the positive aspects in their attitudes with the proviso that the armed struggle is not negatively affected.

Article (24) Maintaining relations with all liberal forces supporting our just struggle in order to resist together Zionism and imperialism.

Article (25) Convincing concerned countries in the world to prevent Jewish immigration to Palestine as a method of solving the problem.

Article (26) Avoiding attempts to exploit the Palestinian case in any Arab or international problems and considering the case above all contentions.

Article (27) “FATEH” does not interfere with local Arab affairs and hence, does not tolerate such interference or obstructing its struggle by any party. [4]

Compare it to the Constitution of Israel

Constitution of the State of Israel
Proposed by the Institute for Zionist Strategies


The Land of Israel was the birthplace of the Jewish People. Here their spiritual, religious and political identity was shaped. Here they first attained statehood, created cultural values of national and universal significance and gave the eternal Book of Books to the world.

After being forcibly exiled from its Land, the People kept faith with it throughout their Dispersion and never ceased to pray and hope for their return to it and for the restoration in it of their political freedom.

The Declaration of Independence mandated the adoption of a Constitution. The Constituent Assembly – being the First Knesset – decided that, as a temporary arrangement, the Knesset would adopt Basic Laws. Now, this xx day of xx, 576x, the Seventeenth Knesset is completing this task, and has the honor of adopting the Constitution of the State.

Basic Principles of the State
1. The State of Israel is a Jewish State and the National Home of the Jewish People, wherein the Jewish People fulfills its yearning for self-determination in accordance with its historical and cultural heritage.
2. The State of Israel is a democratic State, which respects human rights in the spirit of the Jewish heritage’s principles of freedom, justice, integrity, and peace.
3. The State’s sovereignty inheres in its citizens.
4. The Preamble is an integral part of this Constitution. Neither the Preamble nor Paragraphs 1 through 4 may be altered, except by a two-thirds majority of the Members of Knesset.

Civil and Human Liberties
5. The rights enumerated in this Constitution are founded on the recognition that every human being is created in the divine image and is endowed with freedom and dignity.
6. Every person is entitled to the preservation of life, limb, and safety.
7. Every person is entitled to the preservation of his privacy, personal discretion, and property.
8. Every person has freedom of religion, freedom of conscience, freedom of opinion, and freedom of culture.
9. Every person has freedom of movement.
10. Every person has freedom of expression.
11. Every citizen of Israel and every resident of the State has freedom of assembly and freedom of association.
12. Every person is entitled to a fair trial.
13. Every person is presumed innocent, so long as he has not been convicted according to law.
14. Citizenship is acquired and nullified according to statute; every adult citizen is entitled to relinquish his citizenship in a manner to be determined by statute.

15. All are equal before the law; rights and obligations apply equally to all citizens of the State; the failure to fulfill obligations may entail the loss of rights and eligibilities, as shall be determined by statute.
16. The provisions of paragraph 15 notwithstanding, the State may restrict particular rights, obligations, or eligibility for public office to citizens of the State; in areas relating to the security of the State, the State may restrict rights, obligations, and eligibility for public office to those with appropriate security clearance.
17. The State will aspire to advance the welfare of its citizens and residents, and to ensure to all a life of dignity.
18. In the event of a conflict between rights enunciated in this constitution, one right shall yield to the other only to the extent necessitated by attendant circumstances.
19. A constitutional right shall be limited when its implementation would harm the security of the State, public safety and welfare, public morals, the role of the State of Israel as the national home of the Jewish People, the nature of the State of Israel as a democratic State, or the enforcement of laws against criminal activity.
20. A constitutional right shall not be abridged except by a statute for a worthy purpose and only to the extent necessary to achieve that purpose; or in accordance with such a statute on the basis of explicit authorization.

The National Home of the Jewish People
21. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel; Jerusalem is the seat of the President of the State, the Knesset, the Executive, the Supreme Court, and the State Comptroller.
22. Hebrew is the language of the State.
23. The Jewish calendar is the official calendar of the State.
24. The established days of rest for the State of Israel are the Jewish Sabbath and Jewish holidays; no worker may be employed on these days of rest, except as determined by statute; activities prohibited on these days of rest shall be determined by statute; non-Jews may refrain from work on their religious holidays; the days of rest of each religious community shall be determined by the government.
25. Independence Day is the national holiday of the State. It falls on the fifth day of Iyar, or on a proximate weekday as determined by the government.
26. ‘Hatikva’ is the National Anthem; the flag of the State consists of a white background, with two azure stripes, in close proximity respectively to the top and bottom edges, and an azure Star of David in the center; the State Emblem consists of the seven-branched Menorah, flanked on either side by olive branches, with the word “Israel” beneath it.

27. The State shall act to ingather the Diaspora of Israel and to establish Jewish settlement in Israel, and it will allocate lands and resources for these purposes. [5]

All the above quotes are abstracts. To read it in full follow the links below.
The differences in the ideology is clear for all to see. To be able to solve the dispute one has to find a solution to the fundamental philosophy of the different sects.


[1] Israel’s borders 1967:

[2] There is no occupation:

[3] The Covenant of Hamas:

[4] Fatah Constitution:

[5] Israeli Constitution:

[6] Ref: Arab and Jewish refugees (72 9ages):

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